Meny Coward say meny things about Bongobondhu – Before judge the great Leader Read What The world said about Him :
- Poet of Politics
- Newsweek magazine, April 1971
- I have not seen the Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the Himalayas.
- Cuban leader Fidel Castro speaking about Mujib during the Non-Aligned Summit held in Algiers in 1973.
- A man of vitality and vehemence, Mujib became the political Gandhi of the Bengalis, symbolizing their hopes and voicing their grievances. Not even Pakistan’s founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, drew the million-strong throngs that Mujib has attracted in Dacca. Nor, for that matter, has any subcontinent politician since Gandhi’s day spent so much time behind bars for his political beliefs.
- TIME magazine, August 1971.
- As long as Padma, Meghna, Gouri, Jamuna flows on, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, your accomplishment will also live on.
- Sheikh Mujibur Rahman does not belong to Bangladesh alone. He is the harbinger of freedom for all Bengalis. His Bengali nationalism is the new emergence of Bengali civilization and culture. Mujib is the hero of the Bengalis, in the past and in the times that are.
- Egyptian journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal.
- In the thousand year history of Bengal, Sheikh Mujib is her only leader who has, in terms of blood, race, language, culture and birth, been a full blooded Bengali. His physical stature was immense. His voice was redolent of thunder. His charisma worked magic on people. The courage and charm that flowed from him made him a unique superman in these times.
- In a sense, Sheikh Mujib is a greater leader than George Washington, Mahatma Gandhi and De Valera.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Bengali: শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান Shekh Mujibur Rôhman) was the founding leader of Bangladesh.Sheik Mujibur Rahman (1920-1975) was a charismatic leader who organized dissent and rebellion against the British in India, led the Bengalis of East Pakistan in their resistance to the unjust actions of the post-colonial Pakistani government, and finally helped found the independent nation of Bangladesh in 1972
He was the head of state (President) of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh and became the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1972. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib or simply Mujib, with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, “Friend of Bengal”). He is also known as the Father of the Nation (Bengali: জাতির জনক) of Bangladesh. His daughter Sheikh Hasina is the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh.
Mujib was born in Bengal during the British Raj in 1920. He studied in Islamia College (Calcutta) and University of Dhaka; and was a confidant of A. K. Fazlul Huq and H. S. Suhrawardy. As a student leader, he rose within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate of socialism, he became popular for his opposition to the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis in the new state of Pakistan. At the heightening of sectional tensions in 1966, he outlined a six-point autonomy plan. He strongly opposed the military dictatorship of the West Pakistani Field Marshal Ayub Khan and was often jailed for his political beliefs.
As Prime Minister in post-independence Bangladesh, Mujib struggled as an administrator. Despite adopting a constitution proclaiming a secular democracy
, the country faced challenges of rampant unemployment, poverty and corruption. A famine
took place in 1974. Mujib led Bangladesh to join the Commonwealth
and the OIC
. Amid rising political agitation in 1975, he established a one party state
, assumed the presidency and curtailed freedom of the press. On 15 August 1975, Mujib and most of his family were assassinated
by renegade army officers during a military coup
. The country was brought under a military-backed political regime, which lasted until the restoration of parliamentary democracy
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara
, a village in Gopalganj District
in the province ofBengal
in British India,
to Sheikh Lutfur Rahman, a serestadar
, an officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was born into a native Bengali family as the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. In 1929, Mujib entered into class three at Gopalganj Public School, and two years later, class four at Madaripur Islamia High School.
However, Mujib withdrew from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery.
At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib. Together they had two daughters—Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana—and three sons—Sheikh Kamal
, Sheikh Jamal, and Sheikh Rasel.
He joined the Bengal Muslim League
in 1943. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League’s cause of a separate Muslim
state of Pakistan, and in 1946 he went on to become general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. M. Bhaskaran Nair describes that Rahman “emerged as the most powerful man in the party” because of his proximity to Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India
After the Partition of India
, Rahman chose to stay in the newly created Pakistan. On his return to what became known as East Pakistan, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students’ League
. He became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions.
On 26 January 1949 the government announced that Urdu
would be the only official state language
of Pakistan, although Bengali was the majority language in East Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests; he undertook a hunger strike
for 13 days.
Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah
and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin
in 1948 that the people of East Bengal would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, protests broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students’ League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with Khaleque Nawaz Khan and Shamsul Haque by police on 11 March.
The sustained protest from students and political activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organise the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers’ rights.
Mujib left the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy, Maulana Bhashani
and Yar Mohammad Khan
in the formation of theAwami Muslim League
, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Bengal unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Bengali and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation.
In 1953, he was made the party’s general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly
on a United Front
coalition ticket in 1954.
Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture during A. K. Fazlul Huq’s government, Mujib was briefly arrested for organising a protest of the central government’s decision to dismiss the United Front ministry.
He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
and served from 1955 to 1958.
The government proposed to dissolve the provinces
in favour of an amalgamation
of the western provinces of the Dominion of Pakistan in a plan called One Unit; at the same time the central government would be strengthened. Under One Unit, the western provinces were merged as West Pakistan
during the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1956. That year East Bengal was renamed as East Pakistan
as part of One Unit at the same time. Mujib demanded that the Bengali people’s ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question of naming and of official language:
In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid. He resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organisation.
In 1958 General Ayub Khan
suspended the constitution
and imposed martial law
. Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961.
After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad
(Free Bangla Revolutionary Council
), comprising student leaders, to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan. They worked for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.
Following Suhrawardy’s death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.
The party had dropped the word “Muslim” from its name in a shift towards secularism
and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan’sBasic Democracies
plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralised power and merged the provinces.
Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah
against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election
. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition
and jailed for a year.
In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Armed Forces
against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime.
Despite forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan’s civil services, police and military.
There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.
The 1965 war between India and Pakistan also revealed the markable vulnerability of East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan.
Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival
at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore
in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.
According to his plan:
Mujib’s points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6-point movement
– recognised as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.
Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu
and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism
. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.
Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case
, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala
, in the Indian state of Tripura
The outcry and unrest over Mujib’s arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger “11-point plan.” The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charges on February 22, 1969 and unconditionally released Mujib the following day. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.
He was given a mass reception on February 23, at Racecourse ground and conferred with the title ‘Bangabandhu’, meaning ‘Friend of the Bengal’.
Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called “Bangladesh”:
Mujib’s declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasised the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory
– the case upon which Pakistan had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation.
Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent
. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as “Bangabandhu” (literally meaning “Friend of Bengal”
in Bengali).
A major coastal cyclone
struck East Pakistan on 12 November 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Bengalis were outraged and unrest began because of what was considered the weak and ineffective response of the central government to the disaster.
Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.
In the Pakistani general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib’s leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but two of East Pakistan’s quota of seats in the new National Assembly
, thus forming a clear majority.
The largest and most successful party in the western wing of the nation was the Pakistan Peoples Party
headed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
. He was completely opposed to Mujib’s demand for greater autonomy.
Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan
(then president of Pakistan) to form the next government and demanded inclusion of the PPP. Much of the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties opposed Mujib’s becoming Pakistan’s prime minister. At the time neither Mujib nor the Awami League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, but smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh
Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them.
Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as President, with Mujib as Prime minister. These developments took place secretly and none of the Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.
Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly – a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib’s party, which formed a majority, from taking charge. It was on 7 March 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground
Following a last-ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists.
The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib asked his fellows to create resistance against Pakiskani Army of occupation by a telegraph at midnight on 26 March 1971
Sheikh Mujib was arrested and taken to Pakistan after midnight via Tejgaon international airport on a PAF C-130 flight right under the noses of ATC Officer Squadron Leader Khaja, Senior Operations Officer Wing Commander Khademul Bashar
and Director of Airport and Flight Security Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan
. All were on duty that night due to the state of emergency. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail nearFaisalabad
Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries.
Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan
was appointed to preside over Mujib’s military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public.
The Pakistani army’s campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.
With militias known as Razakars
, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. Due to deteriorating situation, large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal
, Assam and Tripura.
The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted
and League leaders formed a government in exile
in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad
, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini
) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him. Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. General Osmani was the key military commanding officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention
in December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka.
Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan’s resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on 8 January 1972. He was then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath
and addressed the international media. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force plane given by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri
and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
as well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was given a festive look as Mujib and Indira addressed a huge crowd where he publicly expressed his gratitude to Indira Gandhi and “the best friends of my people, the people of India. From New Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport
Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister.
A new country Bangladesh begins with a lot of ‘rampage and rape of Bangladesh economy’ by Pakistani occupation force.
The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament
of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army
to which Indian forces transferred control on 17 March. Mujib described the fallout of the war as the “biggest human disaster in the world,” claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women.
The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state’s economy
had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.
There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps
After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement
He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.
He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh’s security forces and government personnel.
Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,
strongly praising India’s decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India.
He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution
, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of “nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism,” which would come to be known as “Mujibism.”
hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.
Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine
A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections
were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.
He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education
, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries
Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam
through state policies as well as personal conduct.
He revived the Islamic Academy
(which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.
Mujib sought Bangladesh’s membership in theOrganisation of the Islamic Conference
and the Islamic Development Bank
and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.
In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark “Joy Bangla” salutation for “Khuda Hafez” preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals in some conditions to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib’s regime. He declared, ” I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974.”.
In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 30,000 Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib’s government.
Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) the only legally recognised party of Bangladesh founded on 7 June 1975 following the Fourth Amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. Mujib’s government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.
Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.
Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists
, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticised for nepotism
in appointing family members to important positions.
A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the economy.
Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib’s ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.
BAKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujibur Rahman. It was known that Mujibur Rahman never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused for 40000 killings by his Rakkhi Bahini.
The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance,
while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead (Note: Reports vary).
In response, he began increasing his powers. On 1974, Mujib declared a state of emergency
In 1975, his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment with few other parties of a new system called BAKSHAL. Banning all opposition political parties against BAKSHAL. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers.
His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL.
The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini
, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.
On 15 August 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks
and killed Mujib, his family and personal staff.
Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed
and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany
, escaped. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh.
The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, which included Mujib’s colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad
, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the US Central Intelligence Agency
of having instigated the plot.
Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.
Mujib’s death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.
Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance
, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted
Mujib’s assassination and overthrow.